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With the UK general election campaign now in full flow, planning reform is (once again) to the fore, with the issue sharply dividing the policy instincts and core voting bases of the two leading political parties. Yet recent history gives little confidence that the current focus on the reform that many believe the nation urgently needs for infrastructure and housing will break the entrenched policy deadlock.

There have been so many commissions, think-tanks, campaigns and political parties coming out with ideas for planning reforms in recent years. The ideas put forward are remarkably similar and superficially attractive. But in a series of articles over the next few weeks I will address them one-by-one and explain why they are generally either impossible to implement, won't make any difference or will make matters worse.

If that sounds depressing, it shouldn't. Only by facing reality can we tackle this difficult problem effectively. The purpose of my critique is encapsulated in the famous Prayer for Serenity: "God grant me the serenity to accept the things I cannot change, the courage to change the things I can, and the wisdom to know the difference." The key for any government is to have the courage to change the things that can be changed and accept the things that cannot. These articles will try to give readers a little more wisdom to know the difference in the hope that poor ideas stop being pumped out and we can all narrow our focus to what can and must be achieved.

Despite all that's been written on planning reform, what has consistently been lacking is rigorous analysis of the factors (legal, political, human, common sense…) that place those ideas somewhere along the twin spectrums of, firstly, quite-possible-to-utterly-impossible and, secondly, highly-effective-to-totally-ineffective.

With all the powers government has to legislate, publish guidance and fund better resourcing, there are still fundamental limitations to its ability to tackle many of the things that slow our planning system. I list some of these at the end of this article. Anyone serious about reform has to recognise and understand them.

As I take each reform idea in turn, I will refer back to these principles to explain cases where we must reluctantly accept the status quo and look elsewhere for ways to speed up planning. We are all frustrated with the planning system but too often the big ideas that sound so sensible fall apart under analysis.

To be clear, we are assuming the objective of reform is to speed up planning and make it less labour-intensive, while still procedurally fair. The current government seemed to start off with speeding up as its objective (Project Speed being the government's name for its original reform consultation). However, recent consultations often seem more focused on process standardisation and other "improvements" not necessarily to be measured by advances in speed, time or cost efficiency for developers. This drift in purpose is itself a worry.

I expect politicians reading this may be incredulous at the idea that for all the groups that have addressed planning reform there could be so many holes in what's been put forward. On one level it amazes me too. But I believe it arises from the fact that planning reform is being addressed by two sets of individuals: firstly, bright and eminent people who are not planning or public law lawyers and therefore unaware of irritating legal difficulties hidden in the weeds. The second group constitutes planning lawyers and other specialist professionals who are so steeped in how things are done now that their ideas tend towards accepting and doubling down on existing processes.

What we are seeing is therefore a mixture of ideas that are either too radical to be implemented or too trivial to make any positive difference. What we need is a smarter, deeper, more forensic legal analysis of the problems and how to solve them. We need legal brain surgery – precise interventions, not sledgehammers or cosmetic procedures.

This series is intended as constructive criticism because our team is passionate about using what we know about how planning works to help find real solutions to improve the system. I hope you enjoy what I intend to be a practical look at the problems of planning reform. The focus will be largely on energy and infrastructure but we may also touch on ideas such as bringing housing within the "nationally significant infrastructure" regime.


Planning reform – On this rock we build

The practical realities any serious attempt to modernise the planning regime must accept

Legal realities:

  • All public law decisions must be capable of being legally challenged
  • It is not possible or defensible to make it harder to legally challenge a planning decision than any other public decision
  • It is generally held to be a fundamental right that claimants must be able to have their request for judicial review heard orally, rather than just refused "on the papers"
  • The Aarhus Convention applies to all environmental decision-making (including planning decisions) and embodies the principle that the cost of challenging decisions must not be set at an unaffordable level which inhibits claims
  • Environmental Impact Assessment (EIA) and Habitats Regulations Assessment are fertile grounds for legal challenge
  • Any "plan or programme" committed to by government in the form of a policy must be subject to strategic EIAs and habitats assessment at a strategic level
  • The Habitats Regulations apply a higher burden on applicants than the EIA Regulations
  • The government made a legally binding commitment not to water down environmental protections after leaving the EU
  • Guidance and advice notes are not law and therefore have limited effect but may be the only way to address things that cannot be legislated for
  • Legislation is not capable of addressing everything
  • Planning decisions are necessarily based on weighing up "material considerations", and failure to take into account any such considerations is a ground for legal challenge

Realities of human nature and business

  • Human beings are risk averse and will wherever possible follow precedent
  • Human beings wish to minimise effort (both time spent and mental exertion)
  • Private companies will promote schemes, and investors invest in their promotion and delivery, in countries where they think they will make money most easily and with least risk. Our system for consenting can help or hinder our global competitiveness

Economic and political realities

  • Precedent and common practice once established are exceptionally hard to reverse
  • In the foreseeable future, the public sector will never pay as much as private equivalents
  • There are a finite number of professional hours available to deploy to staff the planning system and it will take years to train additional resource
  • Any reforms based on an assumption of "good faith" by all sides are doomed
  • Those who are anti-development will complain about any reforms which might make consenting developments faster or easier
  • Politicians cannot have their cake and eat it – reforms that shorten timescales and make consenting easier will be unpopular with vocal sections of the population even if not the majority

 

A version of this article first appeared on our Energy and Infrastructure Consenting Notes blog. To follow the series click here.

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Catherine Howard

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